Today Ursula von der Leyen goes to the count in Strasbourg with a fateful number in her head: 401. These are the votes with which she was re-elected president of the European Commission on 18 July last, by secret ballot. Its new college of commissioners will be voted on in plenary, by simple majority and by open vote. However, the European political landscape has undergone significant changes in recent months. One of the most important was the openness towards the ECR group, the European Conservatives and Reformists, of which Fratelli d’Italia is part, which will vote in its support since Fitto is both commissioner of the Pnrr and vice-president.
The president of the EU Commission has confidence and manages to include greens, socialists, liberals, EPP and ECR in her new majority. The Socialists are clear in declaring that the majority includes the Greens but not ECR. The Greens feel included in the coalition, but only partially. The EPP, then, through its group leader Manfred Weber, speaks of a European majority that goes “from the Greens to the ECR”, specifying that the pro-European front includes only a part of the ECR, or Brothers of Italy. In reality, Giorgia Meloni’s party will give its vote to today’s package, reserving the right to give its support in the future depending on the measures that will be launched by the new Commission.
Von der Leyen’s other strategic move concerns the greens: he has in fact appointed former group leader Philippe Lamberts as special advisor on climate. At that point, half of the Green group, around twenty MEPs led by the German and Dutch delegations, chose to support the new Commission. The Italian, Belgian and French delegations instead opt for no. Difficult situation even among socialists. The group, led by the Spanish Iratxe García Pérez, decided to support the new Commission, taking a step back from the no to Raffaele Fitto, who many of them had described as an “exponent of a post-fascist force”. The Italian and Spanish delegations lead the yes front for von der Leyen, while the Germans, French and Belgians are divided between abstentions and votes against.
In Italy, meanwhile, the Democratic Party’s protests over the nomination of Raffaele Fitto as executive vice president have dissolved into a soap bubble. “Italians understand that having an executive vice president of the European Commission, a role never held before by Italy, with strategic delegations, is a great opportunity and reflects Italy’s role in Europe”, said Giorgia Meloni. According to breaking news reported by Ansa, however, the German SPD has decided to abstain. “For the first time in the history of EU institutions, a representative of a post-fascist party is about to obtain a leadership position. This was only possible because the President of the Commission proposed Raffaele Fitto to the prominent position of Vice President of the Commission, even if the family of his party, i.e. Ecr, did not vote for his nomination”, wrote the SPD delegation to the European Chamber, MEP Rene Repasi, in a note.
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How are the ideological divisions within the European Parliament, particularly regarding the inclusion of the ECR, likely to impact Ursula von der Leyen’s mandate?
## Ursula von der Leyen’s New Commission Faces Frail European Unity
**Host**: Welcome back to the show. We’re joined today by Dr. [Guest name], a leading expert on European politics, to discuss the upcoming vote on Ursula von der Leyen’s new college of commissioners. Dr. [Guest name], welcome.
**Guest**: Thank you for having me.
**Host**: Von der Leyen secured a second term as President of the European Commission in July, but today’s vote showcases a fractured European political landscape. Can you explain what challenges von der Leyen faces in securing approval for her new commissioners?
**Guest**: Absolutely. While von der Leyen won the Presidency by a comfortable margin, securing approval for her entire team proves trickier. As we’ve seen, she needs a simple majority, but the political landscape has shifted. This new commission needs the support of a diverse array of groups – Greens, Socialists, Liberals, EPP, and even a part of the ECR.
**Host**: The inclusion of the ECR, known for their more conservative stance, is particularly noteworthy. Can you elaborate on that, especially considering the presence of Italy’s Fratelli d’Italia within that group?
**Guest**: Indeed. Von der Leyen has made a strategic move by including the ECR, who hold influence due to Fratelli d’Italia’s membership. Italy’s Raffaele Fitto will hold a prominent position as commissioner for the Pnrr and vice-president. While this grants von der Leyen much needed support, it creates internal friction within other parties.
**Host**: Can you delve deeper into those internal factions? How do the Greens and Socialists feel about joining hands with the ECR?
**Guest**: It’s a complex situation. Some Greens feel embraced by the coalition, while others are uncomfortable considering the ECR’s inclusion. Similarly, the Socialists are publicly claiming that their majority excludes the ECR. This shows a degree of tension within these parties.
**Host**: what are the implications of these divisions within the European Parliament going forward?
**Guest**: These divisions highlight the fragile nature of European unity at this juncture. While von der Leyen likely has the necessary votes today, her mandate will be challenged by these ideological fractures. Maintaining this coalition will require continued careful negotiation and compromise on crucial policy issues. It remains to be seen how these tensions will play out in the years to come.
**Host**: Thank you for breaking down these complex political dynamics for us, Dr. [Guest name]. It’s certainly a time of change and uncertainty in the European Union.
